Part 2 - Chapter 3

The English in Roanoke from 1584-1590. 

The English, as well as other European nations had been fishing in the vicinity of Newfoundland since 1500. "As many as five hundred ships1" annually migrated to that area. However, until the latter part of the century, the English had not tried to make any inroads further south.

In the late sixteenth century, there was much religious strife in Europe between the Protestants and Catholics. The English, as had the French, desired to establish themselves on the South Atlantic coast in order to lay prey to Spanish ships and to keep the Spanish settlements from expanding. Capturing Spanish ships laden with treasures from the East was both profitable and "patriotic."

"There is a substantial amount of evidence that the Roanoke voyages had as one of their aims the establishment of a strongly-fortified base on the shores of America at which privateers and other shipping operations against the Spanish Indies could assemble and refit, so as to keep up a continuous instead of an intermittent campaign in the west."2

In order for the English to accomplish their goal, they had to find an area of the coast that was not conspicuous. Roanoke Island provided the protection that they needed. The only draw back was that the entrance to the harbor, as well as the harbor, was dangerous. Storms proved to be a major problem and many boats were battered in the narrow inlets or forced out to sea.

Since the base on Roanoke Island was to be a hideout for the English, they could not publicize their location nor their intents to form a settlement there. Thus, the first few expeditions had to be accomplished in secret.3

The first voyage which took place in the year 1584 was organized by Sir Walter Raleigh around the patent that he had received from the Queen. Raleigh did not go on the voyage but appointed as captains Arthur Barlowe and Philip Amadas. The voyage is known as the Amadas-Barlowe voyage. The aim of this voyage was to reconnoiter the area. In the process Barlowe brought back to England two Indians, Manteo and Wachese, who proved to be of significant importance.

The second voyage took place in 1585 and was made by Sir Richard Grenville. By then, it was deemed absolutely necessary to plant a colony in America. The proponents for the establishment of a colony believed that it was necessary for England to:

  1. Embarrass Spain,

  2. Strengthen England's position,

  3. Solve problems of unemployment in England,

  4. Develop the potential natural resources in America.4

This voyage saw the first English colony planted in America. Ralph Lane was appointed the first governor. Two Englishmen, Thomas Hariot and John White, documented the natural habitat as well as the customs and appearance of the Indians in the Roanoke area of what is now North Carolina but was then considered to be part of Virginia.

This first colony was short lived due to lack of supplies, starvation, and other problems that beset the ill prepared settlers, who remained on the island only from August 1585 until June 1586 when they were rescued by Sir Francis Drake and returned to England.

The third voyage made to Virginia also occurred in 1586 and was meant to bring relief to the colonists. Sir Walter Raleigh arrived at the deserted colony first. Upon not finding anyone, he returned to England. About fifteen days later, Sir Richard Grenville, General of Virginia, also arrived with help. Not finding any of the colonists present, he, as had done Raleigh, left to return to England. However, in order to not lose claim to the land, "he [Grenville] landed fifteen men in the isle of Roanoke, furnished plentifully with all manner of provisions for two years.5"

The fourth voyage took place in 1587 with the aim of establishing, once again, an English colony. This colony was to be governed by John White, the artist. Soon after landing, the colonists persuaded White to return to England for more much needed supplies. It was not until 1590, that any help was sent to the colonists, but by then it was too late.

When John White arrived for the second time, in what comprised the fifth voyage, he found no trace of any of the colonists. He did find, however, carved in a tree the letters CRO and on another post the word CROATON. He, also, found debris and some articles that had been buried in chests in 1585.6 None of the English settlers were found either on Roanoke island or in the vicinity.

At this point in time, it did not seem ostensibly that England wanted to control the native population for prior to the first voyage, directives were mandated that dealt with, among other issues, the type of conduct expected of the soldiers toward the Indians.7

"First that no Souldier do violat any woman, 2 That no Souldier do take any mans goodes forcibly from hym. 3 That no Indian be forced to labor unwillyngly. 4. That no Souldier shall defraud Her Maieste of her Fyfte. 5 That no Souldier abbandon his ensegne without leave, of his Capten, 6 That non shall stryke or mysuse any Indian. 7 That non shall Enter any Indians howse without his leave. [The rest of the commandments do not pertain to behavior toward the Indians]."8

The time frame in which Raleigh, Drake, and others explored the coast of North American and Hariot, White, Barlowe, Lane and others transmitted their experiences was a period known as the Elizabethan era. It was characterized by well rounded and multi-disciplined men - "gentlemen [who] combined action in war with literary interests."9 Sir Walter Raleigh, for example, was "soldier, sailor, politician, colonist, poet and historian."10 The two Hakluyt's were multi-faceted while White was both an artist and a surveyor among his other accomplishments.

Although the Richard Hakluyts11, both father and son, did not participate in explorations, they played an extremely important role in the exploration and dissemination of information about foreign lands. They collected and published information culled from travelers and explorers. They were very supportive of the English explorations in America. According to Quinn:

"Hakluyt was especially concerned at this time [1587] to produce foreign material on North America in order to provide analogies, suggestions, and warnings, as well as positive information, which could be used by the promoters and participants in the Virginia ventures. He also took every opportunity to make propaganda for the Virginia projects and their sponsor Raleigh."12

Even though the English were interested in destroying the power base of the Spanish and increasing their own influence in America, their orientation toward the Indians, as seen by their rules of conduct, differed markedly from the Spanish and French.

Sir Walter Raleigh was extremely influential and important in all these voyages. He desired to know as much about the world around him as was possible. To this end, he installed Hariot in his home to teach him mathematics.13 With Hariot he shared an intellectual curiosity about the resources in America and about the lives of its native inhabitants.

He instructed Hariot to learn everything possible about the indigenous peoples [of America] before the English had affected their society fundamentally.14 Even though Hariot was probably as open minded as the period allowed, it must be remembered that he still had the

"in grown preconception that English, Western, Christian, and state-organized society was superior to anything that might be found outside of Europe."15

Hariot wrote in A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia:

"In respect of us they are a people poore, and for want of skill and judgement in the knowledge and use of our things, doe esteeme our trifles before thinges of greater value: Not withstanding in their proper manner considering the want of such meanes as we have, they seeme very ingenious; For although they have no such tooles, nor any such craftes, sciences, and artes as wee; yet in those things they doe, they shewe excellencie of wit. And by howe much they upon consideration shall find our manner of knowledge and craftes to exceede theirs in perfection, and speed for doing or execution, by so much the more is it probable that they shoulde desire our friendships & love, and have the greater respect for pleasing and obeying us. Whereby may bee hoped if meanes of good government bee used, that they may in short time be brought to civilitie, and the imbracing of true religion."16

Rowse, in his Introduction to Hakluyt's Voyages to the Virginia Colonies, stated that Hariot "may be regarded as the foremost scientific mind among the Elizabethans."17 He was, also, mathematician, astronomer, physicist, and meteorologist.18 Rowse continued in his description to say that Hariot was an early anthropologist.19

His first informants were the Indians brought back by Barlowe, Manteo and Wanchese.

"They were in countenance and stature like white Moors. Their usual habit was a mantle of rudely tanned skins of wild animals, no shirts, and a pelt before their privy parts. Now, however, they were clad in brown taffeta."20

Since they were Hariot's responsibility, it is likely that he taught them English while he learnt their native Algonquian tongue.21

As was common during that time period, a series of written instructions were also given to the artist by the sponsors of the expedition. The instructions for White have been lost, but a set of instructions for another artist, Bavins, are in existence. The final mandates made for him would also apply for White:

"Also drawe to liefe all strange birdes beastes fishes, plantes hearbes Trees and fruictws and bring home of each sorte as nere as you may.

Also drawe the figures & shapes of men and woemen in their apparell as also of their manner of wepons in every place as you shall finde them differing."22

Both Hariot and White complemented each other. Their work spanned many disciplines and is considered of landmark importance. They brought to their work high levels of accuracy and objectivity.23 Both of these men worked in situ, a condition that differentiated them from the French in Florida. "Most of what he [Hariot] wrote is remarkable because it clearly was grounded in his own experience."24 While Hariot recorded what he observed in America, White did pencil sketches and water colors of the Indians and their daily activities.

It is necessary in order to understand the significance of White's work to place him in an artistic context. John White was a surveyor and cartographer, as well as a painter.25 He was used to working accurately and noting detail. Quinn summed up his ability to paint by stating that "he could do water-colour figure drawings of a peculiar freshness and fidelity."26

While White knew the Frenchman Jacques Le Moyne and was familiar with his work, the former's style was very different as was his accuracy to details. While Le Moyne did his work in England many years after his voyage to America, White did much of his work while living in America, and he sketched his figures from life.

White's figures are not as romantic and flowing as are Le Moyne's; as Kupperman in Roanoke stated "[White was] able to free himself from the artistic conventions of his time."27

A.L. Rowse, in his introduction to Hakluyt Voyages To The Virginia Colonies, made the comparison between White and Le Moyne:

"John White was not so accomplished or sophisticated an artist as Le Moyne in his figure drawing; in that lies his prime value - he is truer to the original. His is the best record of North American Indian life."28

Both Kupperman and Quinn go further and assert that White's portrayals of the Indians were done "without European perceptions"29 and were "wholly objective"30.

While White's realistic representation of the Indians cannot be minimized, it is necessary to remember that White was still a European who came from the same society as did Hariot and believed that all Indians were savages and all Christians superior. Further, Quinn stated in The Roanoke Voyages that all the original art work or archetypes of White have been lost and what remains are copies of the original work by White and others and engravings by De Bry.31 Without the original archetypes, it is impossible to categorically state that White's work as presented was a direct portrayal of the Indians and their apparel. However, through cross referencing the Natives' dress with various narratives, a good portrayal of their dress and adornment is possible. In that light, White's work can be viewed as an accurate representation of the Indians in the vicinity of Roanoke and probably throughout that geographical area.

Dr. William Sturtevant, according to Paul Hulton in America 1585, summarized the importance of John Whites contribution to the ethnological study of the Carolina Algonquians:

"There is no comparable set of illustration by a single hand dealing with one small culture area anywhere in North America before the days of photography."32

De Bry had created engravings and published Le Moyne's depictions of the Timucuan Indians. De Bry, also, published Hariot's written work (done in situ) and created engravings from White's water-colours. Fortunately, much of White's work has remained. Thus, the differences between De Bry and White's depiction of the Indians can be examined.

Hariot and White worked closely together. As Quinn stated: "If Hariot was to be the trained mind of the 1585 expedition, John White was to be the practiced eye."33 White's work paralleled Hariot's text, and both form a substantial picture of the Indians in the vicinity of Roanoke. Quinn summarizes their contribution by stating that:

"All studies of the Late Woodland peoples at the last stage of their independent existence must go back to White's drawings and be aided by Hariot's words...."34

It is known that White sailed on more than one voyage. However, it is during the 1585-1586 voyage that Hariot and White collaborated and the former produced the book: A Briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia. This book was published in 1588 with the hope that it would encourage other Englishmen to journey to America.

John White made sketches and watercolor paintings of the Carolina Algonquians who lived in the vicinity of the Carolina Outer Banks (all this land was, then, known as Virginia). He, also, drew subject matter from the villages of Secotan and Pomeiooc.

It can never be known exactly how many original water colors White made of the Carolina Algonquians since many have been lost. De Bry's collection of White's paintings contains sixteen that mainly depict Indians.35

De Bry published White's drawings in the form of his engravings in 1590. Hariot added the notes at that time. It is speculated that the notes came, originally, from a longer discourse that has never been found.36

Hariot's descriptions were originally written in Latin and translated by Hakluyt into English before being published by De Bry. Quinn states, however, that they were "maltreated" by De Bry's printers. 37

The descriptions given by Hariot do not always mirror the watercolor prints; sometimes, they seem to describe the engravings more precisely. In addition, in the areas that Hariot has described vaguely or not at all, different authorities often describe differently. Since these interpretations vary, each plate will be discussed separately. Also, since De Bry's engravings deviate to varying degrees from the watercolor prints, these variations will, also, be addressed.

Before introducing the various written commentaries on the pictures, it is prudent to review the etymology of the words pumice, pounce, and tattoo. All definitions are from The Oxford Universal Dictionary, 1955 revision. 

Pumice - The word pumice dates from the late Middle English period (c. 1350-1450) and the word pomis. It was adapted from the Latin word pumicem. In the 16th century it was assimilated to the Latin form. The definition of pumice is: "A light kind of lava, usually. consisting of obsidian made spongy or porous by the escape of steam during the process of cooling." In late Middle English, it was the name given to ".. a material used for smoothing or polishing."

The attributive use of the word in 1592 was defined as: "Consisting of or resembling pumice." The infinitive form of the verb pumice meant "to rub, smooth, polish, clean with pumice." (Page 1618). 

Pounce - This word has many meanings some of which became obsolete in the 17th century. The word in its primary verb form originated in the late Middle English period. The following definitions became obsolete in the 17th century. In 1662, the word meant to bruise with blows; in 1650 to tattoo; and in 1678 to prick, puncture, pierce.

The other meaning of the verb that is contextually relevant started to be used in 1580. The Latin forms of the word were pumicare, formed from pumicen, pumex. The meaning was identical to pumice. The word pounce meant to: "Smooth down by rubbing with pumice or pounce."

By 1594, it also meant: "To trace or transfer (a design) on or to a surface by dusting a perforated pattern with pounce." (Page 1557).

Tattoo - This word did not come to mean "To make permanent marks or designs upon the skin by puncturing it and inserting a pigment or pigments" until 1769. (Page 2136). 

Chalk - This word in figurative use meant "To make white or pale as by rubbing with chalk." It also meant in 1633 "To blanch." (Page 288).

These words can, obviously, cause much confusion if their meaning is not used within their proper time frame.

A Cheife Herowans wyfe of Pomeoc and her daughter
                           of the age 8 or 1038

            White-DeBry - Figure # 11
wht fig 1sm.jpg (22909 bytes)Hariot, in his text (Lorant p. 241) describing the picture, stated that the woman is:

".....dress[ed] very much like the women of Roanoke. Their hair is worn in a knot, and their skin is pumiced. Around their necks they wear a chain of large pearls or copper beads or smooth bones five or six strands deep....Their clothing is a deerskin, tied double and folded high under their breasts, reaching almost to their knees in front, while their backs are almost naked."

Although not stated in the text, it is probable, since they aren't wearing mantles, that they are dressed for warm weather.

White's water color shows the woman's hair to be fringed over her eyes and hanging down on the sides about two inches below her ears. The knot of hair is worn at the nape of her neck and is made loosely so that some tendrils escape. She has a series of tattoos in the form of straight lines on her cheeks, chin, and near her eyes. She, also, has intricate bands tattooed on her upper arms and a necklace with a pendant hanging from around her neck that is either real, tattooed, or painted (Hulton p. 178 and Quinn p. 417);

The headband that is on her forehead is described to be either made of woven beads (Hulton p. 178); of decorated skin; or tattooed directly on to her forehead (Quinn p. 417).

Authorities cannot agree on the type of material comprising her three strand long necklace. Quinn (p. 417) believes it to be made of bluish pearls while Hulton (p. 178) states that it is "clearly made up of beads, perhaps shell rather than copper, pearl, or bone."

The woman's "apron-skirt" is decorated, according to Hulton (p. 178) on both the lower and upper edges by a single row of pearls.

A single "apron-skirt" is comprised of a piece of dressed skin that is cut in the shape of an oblong whose edges are fringed. One of its narrow ends is pulled through a thin girdle and lapped over it. This lapped over section extends for about eight to ten inches.

A double "apron-skirt" is comprised of two single ones covering the person's front and back.

The little girl's hair is fringed in the front and hangs down at the sides, as does her mother's. However, it is not fastened in the back but hangs loose and wispy to a little below her shoulders.She wears a piece of skin with a pad of moss inside. This garment is worn between her legs and fastened by a thong that passes between her legs and is tied above her waist. After the age of seven or eight (according to Hariot's text), she will dress in a similar manner to her mother. The caption on the watercolor gives her age as 8 or 10. She wears, as does her mother, strings of long beads. However, a pendant hangs from her strands. Neither wear moccasins which is typical of the Indians in the Southeast.

De Bry, when he created the engraving, made the following major changes: Both of the females have slightly wavy hair; the tattoos on the woman are arranged differently; she does not have a headband; and the poses of both subjects are modified.

The wyfe of an Herowan of Secotan

        White-DeBry - Figure # 12
wht fig 2sm.jpg (20857 bytes)This water color was reproduced by De Bry in two forms: a similar engraving and also one that shows both the back and front of the subject.

This woman has a similar hair style to the Pomeoc woman with the little girl except that while her hair is still longer in back, it is not long enough to put into a roll. It falls straight and barely to her shoulders. On her head, but above her bangs, she wears a twisted headband, referred to as a wreath by Hariot.

Her apron-skirt of "exquisitely dressed deerskins" (Lorant p. 233) appears to be made from two pieces of skin which are joined in some manner at the top and cover both her front and her back. The apron-skirt has double rows of beading above the fringes on the `fold-over' top and bottom. The tassels of the fringe show traces of white and gold (Hulton p. 179).

She is elaborately tattooed with bands on both her fore arms and upper arms as well as on her chin, cheeks and calves. Although not visible in the reproductions, Hulton claims that she is also tattooed on her insteps. She has a necklace ending in a "V" between her breasts that is either painted or tattooed on her.

The Hulton copy of the original text states that "Their foreheads, cheeks, chynne, arms armes, and legges are pownced".39 Lorant in his New World page 233, has interpretted the word pounce to mean chalk. "Their foreheads, cheeks, chins, arms, and legs are chalked." However, the word pounce at that time meant to rub smooth or clean or to tattoo. It never meant to chalk or, by implication, paint white.

The Latin equivalent from a portfolio of engravings by De Bry with the text in Latin is:40 "Frons, malæ, mentum, brachia & crura, puncturis ornata."

The key words are puncturis ornata, roughly translated as: "Their forehead, cheeks, chynnes, arms, and legs were pricted decoratively."41 Thus, the word pounce seems to mean tattoo and not chalk.

De Bry added the back view of the Secotan chief's wife to his engraving. The back view shows how the apron-skirt is rolled over on itself at the top to secure it. The picture, also gives an indication that she wore long earrings of four beads attached to a pendant (Hulton p. 188). Her hair is wavy in the back while in the water color it appears to be straight. The continual addition of waves to the hair is consistent with the portrayals of women of that time period. De Bry followed European tradition much more closely than did White. It is not known whether the engraving is copied directly from a water color by White or from whom the additional information was supplied.

The Wyfe of a Herowan of Pomeioc42

De Bry stated that the chief's wife was not from Pomeioc but from the town of Dasamonquepeio (Lorant pp. 245-6). Quinn (p. 419) states that it could be from either town since White labeled each replica as it was finished.

Her hair and apron-skirt are similar to the Secotan chief's wife more so than that of the Pomeioc chief's wife (woman with young daughter). One cannot discern from the evidence whether there were varieties of dress among chief's wive's or whether the dress was dependent upon the town of habitation.

The original watercolor shows the back view of the woman carrying her nude baby whose left leg is held securely under her arm while the right leg dangles. Both of the child's arms encircle her neck.

The front view of the woman supplied by De Bry is very similar to that of the Secotan Woman although she has fewer tattoos and her earrings appear to be made of three balls hung from a pendant. Once again, no information exists as to whether De Bry added the second view on his own or had the help of White.

One of the wyves of Wyngyno

White-DeBry - Figure # 13

wht fig 3sm.jpg (18620 bytes)


Hariot described (Lorant p. 237) the woman in the picture as a "Young Gentlewoman of Secota" a "Maiden". The caption on the water color shows she is married, but Hariot has her identified as a virgin (Hulton p. 112) as does the Latin text "Nobilis Virgo ex Secota"43 - "Noble Virgin from Secota".

The Hulton copy of the original text states that "They pounce their foreheads, cheekes, armes and legs." Lorant in his New World (p. 237) has, once again, interpretted the word pounce to mean chalk. "They chalk their foreheads, cheeks, arms, and legs." However, the Latin text uses a variation of the words "Punctim" (a small puncture) and "orno" (decorate.)44 Thus the word pounce means to tattoo and not to chalk.

She is dressed in a similar fashion to the Pomeioc chief's wife (woman with daughter). Her apron-skirt is depicted in the water color as only covering her front; however, in the engraving it is shown to cover both her front and her back with only the sides of the hips visible, as was the custom.

Her bodily decorations, including her headband, are more similar to those on the Woman of Pomeioc than on the other Secotan women. Her hair is cut with two ridges above her forehead, according to Hariot (Hulton p. 112). Hariot also stated that the maidens of Secota wear around their necks, instead of chains, pearls interspersed with copper beads or polished bones (Hulton p. 112).

Hariot (Hulton p. 112 & Lorant p. 237) stated that maidens covered their breasts with their arms out of a sense of modesty. This particular engraving was done by Gysbert van Veen and not de Bry although it appears in De Bry's publication.

A Cheife Herowan

    White-DeBry - Figure # 14

wht fig 4sm.jpg (20607 bytes)


De Bry's publication describes this subject as a chief of Roanoke. Quinn (page 438) states that if the chief depicted is from Roanoke, then it must be Wingina. The water color shows the chief garbed in a single fringed apron-skirt (covering only his front) edged on the folded-over top and bottom with beads. The De Bry engravings show the apron-skirt to be double. Since the back and the front are identical, they must be joined together on either one or both sides since they are not fastened in the back. Hulton (page 188) refers to Dr. Sturtevant's comment, that the double garment is probably a mistake.

The ornamentation in both the water color and the engraving are almost identical. The text states that he wore a rectangular copper gorget made from native copper (Hulton p. 181). The manner of hair cut seems to be different between the two pictures. In the water color the head appears to be shaven on the sides except for a cockscomb going down the center and ending in a loose knot at the nape of the neck similar to the women's. Quinn (page 438) states that the hair is either shaved or thinned on either side of the cockscomb. De Bry, however, depicts the hair as remaining long on the sides. The knot is formed from the long hair being gathered at the base of the cockscomb in a loose knot.

Hariot described their ornamentation (Hulton p. 113.)

"They hange pearles stringe copper a threed att their eares, and weare bracelets on their arms of pearles, or small beades of copper or of smoothe bone called minsal, nether paintinge nor powncings of themselves, but in token of authoritye, and honor, they wear a chaine of great pearles,or copper beades or smoothe bones abowt their necks, and aplate of copper hinge upon a string, from the navel unto the midds of their thighes."

Both the water color and the engraving show only a gorget that is hung at the breast from beads worn about the neck. The earrings are shown to be comprised of a loop of string threaded with beads. This loop contains at least nine beads (Quinn p. 438.)

Hariot states that "When they walk or talk they cross their arms one above the other as a sign of wisdom (Lorant p. 239).

The aged man in his wynter garment

        White-DeBry - Figure # 15
Wht. fig 5sm.jpg (19460 bytes)Hariot's text gives the man's place of residence as Pomeioc.

"The old men of Pameiock cover themselves with large skins that hang down below their knees and are tied on one shoulder, leaving the other arm free. The skins are dressed without removing the fur, and lined with other skins. The younger men do not allow hair to grow upon their faces, they pluck it out as soon as it comes in; but when they get older, they let their beards grow, which are very thin. They wear their hair in a knot at the back and cut in a crest [cockscomb] in front, as others do." (Lorant p. 243.)

It appears in both the water color and engraving, that the hair on the side is not shaved nor thinned but is kept long and pulled back into the loose knot.

The aged man in the water color has bare feet; however, in the engraving, moccasins have been added. These resemble socks that were cut off at the ankle.

Theire sitting at meate

The details in this water color show the man's hair and earrings very clearly. His hair, in this picture, appears to have been shaved on either side of the cockscombe in the middle. Unfortunately, the knot in the back is hardly visible. His earring (it is a side view) is made of "a long piece of skin, worn through a hole in the lobe, with ends of bone or shell."(Hulton p. 180.) Quinn (p. 430) believes the ends of the man's earrings to be fringed. The man is wearing a red and black striped feather at the back of his cockscomb.

The woman in this painting is void of tattoos. It is impossible to know whether this lack was intentional.

Both the man and the woman are wearing identical mantles of skin. It does not appear that either the man or the woman are wearing apron-skirts under the mantle. If this was the case, than the long skin mantle worn as such was probably not the forerunner of the blanket which was typically worn as an outer garment.

The manner of their attire and painting them selves when they goe to their generall huntinge or at theire solleme feasts

       White-DeBry - Figure # 16
wht. fig 6sm.jpg (28011 bytes)In De Bry's engraving, the title is changed to A Weroans, or Chieftain, of Virginia.

The man in White's water color wears the traditional cockscomb and loose knot at the nape of his neck. However, the hair on the sides seems to be very thin and wispy since tendrils of it hang slightly over his ears. De Bry's engraving shows the hair on the side of the head to be thicker, and all of it is pulled back into the knot at the nape of his neck.

This man is highly ornamented with painted designs of circles on his upper body. His nipples are surrounded by circles as are his shoulders. His neck is encircled by a painted necklace that follows the contours of his shoulders and chest and ends in three painted circles that resemble pendants. His arms and legs are encircled with painted bands from which radiate lines toward his elbows and feet. Hariot stated that "they ether pownes or paynt their forehead, cheeks, chynne, bodye, armes, and leggs," (Hulton p. 109).

The man in this painting wears three feathers in his hair, the longest at the beginning of his cockscomb and the two shorter ones over and in back of his ears.

He, also, wears a 6 strand necklace of pearls or copper beads, a 2 strand bracelet of pearls or copper, and earrings. The earrings are either made of thick pearls, the claws of a bird, or anything that pleases the wearer. (The information is from Hariot's text, Hulton p. 109).

Since this man is shown to be ready for a hunt, he wears on his left wrist a wrist guard which Hulton states is unusual for the Carolina Indians although common in Virginia (Hulton p. 182). His quiver is attached to his lower back at the waist by an animal's tail, probably a Puma (Quinn p. 440).

De Bry has added to the engraving a back view which shows the Puma tail wrapped around the man's quiver.

The Flyer   

White-DeBry - Figure # 17

wht. fig 7sm.jpg (21371 bytes)


The title, "The Flyer," depicts the medicine man or conjurer, who was believed to have special magical powers. The Flyer's dress is very distinctive. He is the only Indian portrayed by himself wearing a breechclout. However, other Indians in White's group pictures also are shown wearing breechclouts. The Conjurer's breechclout is made from the skin of a small animal. It is shown to be held up by a thin skin girdle. The head of the animal is lapped over the girdle in front and it is hard to tell whether it goes between his legs or it just covers his front. Hariot stated: "They weare nothing but a skinne which hangeth downe from their gyrdle." (Hulton p. 117). In addition, he carries a pouch made of skins and fringed at the bottom lapped over his girdle.

The conjurer's head is completely shaved except for the cockscomb. Over his right ear, he wears a bird that signifies his office. Otherwise, he is devoid of any type of ornamentation.

One of their Religious men

             White-DeBry - Figure # 18wht. fig 8sm.jpg (20080 bytes)
The priest is pictured and described by Hariot as an elder man. His dress, like the conjurer's, sets him apart from other men. His hair is completely shaven except for the cockscomb and a short, stiff crest in the front. He has leather earrings which appear similar to those worn by the Indian man, pictured "eating a meal". Hulton (page 180-1) states that he appears to have some paint on his face.

His dress consists of a circular short cloak that reaches to his thighs. It is attached by a tie to his right shoulder in a manner that leaves his right arm free. The left arm is contained under the cloak. The cloak is made of quilted rabbit's fur worn with the fur on the outside (Quinn quoting Hariot p. 431). Aside from the cloak, he does not wear any other clothes.

Indian Markings

De Bry did an engraving for which no corresponding water color is known to exist. Hariot stated that:

"The inhabitants of all the countrie for the most part have marks rased on their backs, whereby yt may be knowen what Princes Subjects they may bee, or of what place they have their originall." (Hulton p. 129).

The mark is placed on a man's left shoulder blade. Since Hariot does not use the word `rased' elsewhere in his text, its exact meaning is not known. It is conjectured that the mark was either tattooed on his back or painted (Hulton p. 191).

De Bry has shown variations of the symbols in his engraving. They are shown to be arrows of varying lengths, different forms of the swastika, etc

                White-DeBry - Figure # 19

wht. fig 9sm.jpg (18226 bytes)


In summation, if the captions of the water colors or engravings are correct, then the manner of dress does not seem to be dependent on town affiliation. Most of the women wore their hair in a similar manner, the variance occurring in the picture of the "Wyfe of a Herowan of Secotan" whose hair was not worn in a knot at the nape of her neck. Most of the women were tattooed on their face utilizing parallel lines and on their arms and legs with geometric bands. Some of the women, also, had either tattoos or paintings that simulated necklaces. The earrings that they wore were comprised of beads dropped from pendants. Many of the women wore headbands either tattooed directly onto their forehead, woven of beads or made of decorated strips of skin. Barlowe, noted in an earlier narrative that the wife of Granganimeo, brother of Chief Wingina, wore a broad headband of white corals. Quinn Stated that "The forehead decoration was often painted on, but in this case was probably composed of shell or bone beads, not coral."45

None of the women wore foot or head coverings save for headbands or what Hariot referred to as "wreathes". Also, since the only garments that the women wore (except in the "meal-time" picture where both the man and the woman are wearing mantles) were apron-skirts, it has to be assumed that White and, later, De Bry portrayed them wearing warm weather clothes.

Small children are shown to be naked, while young girls only wear an abbreviated pad between their legs.

The men typically wore a single apron-skirt and not a breech- clout as described previously. None of the original water color prints show them wearing anything on their feet. While all, except for certain religious men, wore their hair in a cockscomb and loose knot, it is impossible to say whether the hair on the side was thinned, shaved, or worn long and pulled into the knot in back.

It is known that they imprinted a design on their backs as a symbol of affiliation etc. They also, painted themselves and bedecked their bodies with ornaments. Whether the word "pownes" means puncture in Hariot's statement in reference to figure #16, will probably never be known. Hariot stated that "they ether pownes or paynt their forehead, cheeks, chynne, bodye, armes, and leggs," (Hulton p. 109). The authors believe that the statement could mean that "they either tattoo or paint their...."

While the Timucuan men tattooed themselves with elaborate designs, the tattooing among the Carolina Algonquians was basically confined, as a form of adornment, to the women.

Although the clothes of the coastal Algonquian Indians did not vary very much other than those garments of the conjuror and priest, nobles were distinguished from commoners by their adornment. The noble men were identified by the "redde peeces of copper on their heades." Quinn identifies them as the copper gorgets that were usually worn as a pendant on the chest.46

   Figure # 20
wht Tattoossm.jpg (45814 bytes)The noble women also were adorned in a different manner than the common people.

"....in her eares she [Granganimeo's wife] had bracelets [strings] of pearles, hanging downe to her middle and those were the bignes of good pease. The rest of the women of the better sorte had pendants of copper, hanging in every eare, and some of the children of the Kings brother, and other Noble men have five or sixe in every eare:"47

Early in the English's association with the Indians, they, as had done the Spanish and the French, gave the latter gifts of clothing. Arthur Barlowe described his first meeting with the Indians in the vicinity of Roanoke Island.

"And after he [the Indian] had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him with his own good likeing , aboord the shippes, and gave hime a shirt, a hatte, and some other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meate, which he liked very well."48

The Europeans often could not understand the Indian's choice of goods. Sir Francis Drake speaking about the Indians he met on the coast, probably, the Cusabo reported:

"And for the tagge of a pointe, a bell a cownter, a pinne or suche like, They will geeve you anie thinge they have." 49

Barlowe reported that Granganimeo wanted a tin plate to wear as a shield against his enemies. Quinn noted that these coastal Indians must have been used to seeing shipwrecked Spaniards and their armor.50

The Indians also prized, according to Ralph Lane, coarse cloth.

"The people naturally most courteous, & very desirous to have clothes, but especially of course cloth rather than silke, course canvas they also like wel of, but copper carieth ye [the] price of all, so it be made red."51

Red was a color very prized by the Indians and used for various decorations.

Copper was used by the Indians for purposes of adornment. It was obtained through recognized trade routes from Northern Tribes. To separate the copper from the ore, according to Hakluyt, the Indians cast the ore into the fire. ".....foorthwith it melteth, and doeth yeelde in five parts, at the first melting, two parts of metall for three parts oare."52 The process of smelting was not utilized until after the arrival of the Europeans. 53

The dress of the English during the 1580's did not change very much from that worn by the French
in the 1560's, especially since fashion was rarely of English origin. Although there were changes in styles during the twenty year period, the changes were not significant as they related to the perception on the part of the Indians toward the European mode of dress.  

            Costume Plate # 3
  Mid to Late 16th Century English03whmlt1500sm.jpg (9407 bytes)
Armor was still worn by the soldiers, as were ruffs and multi-colored garments. The noblemen wore swords suspended from belts, had beards, and, often, long, flowing, curly locks. Their headgear consisted of flat caps decorated with a plume or soft bonnets with tall crowns. They, also, often carried gloves.54

The lower or working classes wore different dress than the noblemen. Different positions in society were often delineated by types of dress worn, material, and trims. English society was highly stratified and there wasn't much movement between groups.

Sumptuary laws 55decreed the degree of luxury permitted to each group of people. While the nobles wore gem encrusted velvets and silks, the lower classes wore clothing that was more durable and serviceable. Somber colored woolen material was an everyday choice both for its warmth and durability. For special occasions, their best clothes were allowed to have velvet trims.

To the Elizabethans, the color of a garment held a symbolic significance. Blue, as an example, was associated with constancy, and, thus, was worn by serving people and apprentices. The rich rarely wore it. Instead they liked flamboyant and startling colors and combinations of such. Red was a favorite as were combinations of black, white, gold, and silver.56

The colonists were comprised of gentlemen who were seeking glory and financial gain, those of the lower or common class, and the experts like Hariot and White. The gentlemen did not labor; ate from gold and silver platters57; and some, like Raleigh were known to dress ornately:

"He dressed flamboyantly in rich silks and with large pearl earrings, cultivating his naturally exotic looks."58

The dress of the working class or common class had to have a type of practicality that was missing from the dress of the wealthier. Boots were worn called "startups" which were a type of legging combined with a rugged shoe and ended above the mid-calf. Often laborers wore simple thigh length belted tunics reminiscent of medieval styles. Hats were, often, wide brimmed and soft.59

A piece of attire that had been popular was the gown. During the Elizabethan period, its use became restricted to professional people or for the nobility at ceremonial occasions.60

The voyage of 1587 saw seventeen women and nine children join the men to come to The New World. Quinn believed that, of the settlers, there were about thirty six people that comprised fourteen family groups. Most of the single women and boys were probably servants.61

  Costume Plate # 4 - Late 16th
  Century English Serving Woman04whwml1500sm.jpg (8961 bytes)
The dress of the type of women on the voyage would, probably, not have been elaborate. It would have consisted of a bodice and kirtle - a petticoat. The word skirt was not used until the nineteenth century. Until then, the garment worn from the waist down was called a petticoat62 although some authors not of the period called them by the later term skirts. The bodice would have been heavily boned ending in a long point. The sleeves could have been of various widths. Some popular ones were comprised of puffs at the shoulder while the rest of the sleeve was narrow. In the 1580's the sleeves became larger and were bombasted (padded) and ended with turned back lace cuffs or a hand ruff. As did the men, women wore enormous ruffs at the neck or high standing collars with a separate ruff.63

The skirts were enormous; either closed or open at the front to reveal an underskirt. Underneath, women wore farthingales - an undergarment designed to make the skirts very wide in all directions. The French farthingale was made of cane, steel, or whalebone and it was made so that the circles that comprised it were the same diameter from the waist to the bottom.64

The farthingale became very popular and was worn by women of all classes.65 Farthingales, however, did vary. Some were not as exaggerated as the French Farthingale (c. 1580) which was the same width from top to bottom. The Spanish Farthingale introduced (c.1550) was more in the shape of a dome.66

The least exaggerated, but still acceptable undergarment which lent width to the skirt was a bum roll. This consisted of a series of round pads which encircled the waist and were tied in front. The bum roll was slang for Buttocks roll and was similar in shape to a modern life preserver.67

The warm overgarment that was worn until the 1620's was the gown. It was close fitting at the shoulders and fell to the ground with an inverted V-shaped opening at the front from the neckline to the hem. It exposed the dress underneath and could be made with sleeves or sleeveless. The collar varied from a standing narrow collar to one that was rounded and joined the lapels of the front of the gown.68                                                                              

Married women covered their hair with a coif - a cap of white linen or a decorative fabric, often, with long lappets or shorter extensions below the ear that covered the side of the face. If a hat was worn, it went over the coif. Under the coif, the hair was dressed high. As the century progressed, the coif was set further back on the head and more hair became visible.69

Women, as did men, wore a variety of shoe styles. However, women usually did not wear boots, except when riding. Shoes could either be backless like the `mule' or a simple flat shoe worn by both men and women in the country, or various styles of slippers.70

As the power of Spain was waning on the continent and being challenged in The New World, so was its influence on the style of European dress. 


1. Kupperman, Roanoke, p. 3.

2. Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, p. 6.

3. Ibid., pp. 6 & 7.

4. Ibid., p. 118.

5. Hakluyt, Voyages to the Virginia Colonies, Century Edition, p. 138.

6. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, p. 593.

7. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, p. 130, states that the source of this directive is currently unknown.

8. Ibid., p. 138.

9. Kupperman, Roanoke, p. 10.

10. Hakluyt, Voyages to the Virginia Colonies, Century Edition p. 20.

11. Hariot, White, the Hakluyts, and De Bry were all contemporaries.

12. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, p. 545.

13. Ibid., p. 119.

14. Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, p. 220.

15. Ibid., p. 220.

16. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, pp. 371-2.

17. Hakluyt, Voyages to the Virginia Colonies, Century Edition p. 6.

18. Ibid., p. 6.

19. Ibid., p. 6.

20. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, footnote #1 p. 116. From V. von Klarwill, ed., Queen Elizabeth and Some Foreigners (1928) p. 323.

21. Ibid., p. 119.

22. Ibid., pp. 52-54

23. Ibid., p. 35.

24. Kupperman, Roanoke, p. 98.

25. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, p.48.

26. Ibid., p. 49.

27. Kupperman, Roanoke, p. 41.

28. Hakluyt, Voyages To The Virginia Colonies, Century Edition, p. 20.

29. Kupperman, Roanoke, p. 41.

30. Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, p. 196.

31. Quinn The Roanoke Voyages p. 392.

32. Hulton, America 1585, p. 27.

33. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages p. 47.

34. Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, p. 182.

35. The watercolor prints are from Hulton's book America 1585 and Lorant's book The New World.

36. Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke, p. 220.

37. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, footnote #5, p. 414.

38. Unless otherwise noted the information in this section is gathered from visual inspection of the picture, Hulton's book America 1585, Lorant's book The New World, and from written notes in Quinn's two volumes, The Roanoke Voyages.

39. Hulton, America 1585, p. 110.

40. Historia America sive Novi Orbus Compræhendens in xiii Secorionibus Exactissimam Descriptionem Vastissimarum et Multis. Tomo 1, Partes 1 & 2. Matth. meriani 1634. Also in The American Indian as depicted in a Collection of Plates engraved by Theodore De Bry in the Years 1590-1602.

41. Translated by author.

42. The spelling of names is not always consistent.

43. The American Indian as depicted in a Collection of Plates engraved by Theodore De Bry in the years 1590-1602.

44. From the latin Texts of De Bry see endnote 36. "Frontem, malas, brachia, crura punctiunculis ornant."

45. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, p. 101.

46. Ibid., p. 103.

47. Ibid., pp. 101-2.

48. Ibid., p. 98.

49. Ibid., p. 307.

50. Ibid., p. 101.

51. Ibid., p. 208.

52. Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, vol 6 (1926 reprint) p. 148.

53. Quinn, The Roanoke Voyages, p. 269.

54. Sichel, History of Men's Costumes, pp. 26-28.

55. LaMar, English Dress in the Age of Shakespeare, p. 1.

56. Ibid., pp. 10-11.

57. Kupperman, Roanoke, pp. 38-39.

58. Ibid., p. 12.

59. Sichel, Tudors and Elizabethans, p. 47 and face page of 49.

60. Ibid., p. 38.

61. Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, pp. 541-543 including notes.

62. Cunnington, A Dictionary of English Costume, pp. 162 & 196.

63. Sichel, Tudors and Elizabethans, pp. 52-55.

64. Eubank, A Survey of Historic Costume, p. 138.

65. Sichel, Tudors and Elizabethans, p. 55.

66. Ibid., p. 56.

67. Eubank, A Survey of Historic Costume, p. 138.

68. Sichel, Tudors and Elizabethans, p. 59.

69. Eubank, A Survey of Historic Costume, pp. 138-141.

70. Sichel, Tudors and Elizabethans, pp. 60-61; Eubank, A Survey of Historic Costume, p. 141.