Chickasaw dress in the nineteenth century before removal to the Indian territory west of the Mississippi. Unfortunately, there is considerably less material both of a primary and secondary nature as regards the Chickasaw Indians in the 19th century than there is in respect to the other "Five Civilized Tribes". Archives and Libraries throughout the United States have been consulted by the authors in the hope that little known material might be found. John C. Ewers stated in an article in a New York Historical Society Publication of 1953 that he did not know of a single picture of a Chickasaw man during the period of the eighteen thirties.1 Some writers include the Chickasaws with their material about the Choctaws. The United States Government tried to do this in regards to the allocation of land in the Indian territory. However, even though the material available is meager, the Chickasaw Indians will be treated separately. The Chickasaws suffered, in general, the same problems as did the other Southeastern Nations starting in the late 18th century. Between 1800 and 1818, there were four treaties between the Chickasaw and the Federal Government for the cession of tribal lands2 with special gifts going to the leaders of the nation, who, by then, were the mixed bloods.3 According to noted Chickasaw historian, Arrell Gibson, the most crucial period for the Chickasaws was between 1786 and 1818 when tribal independence and cultural erosion took their worst toll.4 In 1801, the Federal Government made a treaty with the Chickasaw which enabled the former to cut a road through the Chickasaw land.5 This road caused an influx of non-Indians into Chickasaw land; it created greater contact between Chickasaws and White men; it resulted in an increase in the Chickasaw economy through ferry stations, public inns, etc.; and it, also, resulted in an increase in agriculture production due to the demand for supplies by travelers.6 George Colbert, a Choctaw,7 on May 11, 1803 at a convention composed of Choctaws, Chickasaws, Cherokees, and Creek addressed the representatives and counselled peace with the White man. His reasons show how the Indians' ways of life had changed: "These four Nations ought to view their local situation. We are on all sides bounded by the white people, our conduct to them should be friendly, and should any misunderstandings take place and a war ensue among the whites, we ought not to say that we liked one side better than the other, & thereby involve ourselves in the war. We are red people supported & supplied by the whites, we can make nothing ourselves, therefore let us join and say we will be friendly to all, and tell the truth. "We are considered as the middle Nation. The other Nations of red people lay adjoining & nearly round us. We are few in number but hold a large body of land, in which our red brothers have hunted in common with ourselves:-- The game now being gone, & our people coming into the habit of farming & manufacturing, we hold as a pledge for the future conduct of our people with other Nations."8 Many Chickasaws, however, did not readily substitute agriculture for hunting for pelts. In 1809, according to the records of the fourteen trading houses in existence, the trading of pelts at the Chickasaw Bluffs factory exceeded that at all others.9 Obviously the pursuit of agriculture did not obliterate the business of obtaining pelts through the hunt. James Hall wrote in a book published in 1801 that: "Some of the Chickasaws are men of considerable property, have a number of slaves and farm largely."10 Dr. Rush Nutt further described many Chickasaws in the early nineteenth century. ".....they have settled out, made comfortable cabins, enclosed their fields by worm fence & enjoy the benefit of their labour, & stock, and are now measureably clothed by their own industry."11 "The occupation of the men is that of hunting & farming. Viz. in the fall and winter the men hunt & in the summer attend to the farm & stock."12 "The Indians are falling off from their former customs & habits very fast, as they are fast mixing with the whites. There are a great many half-breed among the Chickasaw & Choctaws. They begin to eat as much as the whites & be as fond of the luxuries of life. ...They are down with the hunt. The men have laid down their gun and tomohawk & taken up the implements of husbandry. The women have exchanged their little hoes and skin aprons for spinning wheels and home manufactured cloth."13 James Hall praised the work of the Indian Agents in "civilizing" the Chickasaws. Dr. Nutt, also, shared his viewpoint. "Husbandry, and consequently civilization is making considerable progress among the people, and also among the other Southern Tribes. To this the Federal Agents are much contributing, by encouraging agriculture among the men, and spinning and weaving among the women. The culture of Cotton is making considerable advance among them."14 Another treaty that was to have a long term affect on the economy was one made in 1805 between the Federal Government and the Chickasaws specifying that annuity payments to the Chickasaw were no longer to be made in trade goods, but instead in species.15 This treaty might have had an effect on the standard of living of some of the Chickasaws and, thus, indirectly, an effect on the Chickasaw's mode of dress by giving them a greater selection of where and how they could would spend their annuity monies. The nineteenth century, saw, among all the southeastern tribes, an increase in the missionary population. In 1799 Joseph Bullen and Ebenezer Rice from the New York Missionary Society, part of the Presbyterian Sect, began their mission among the Chickasaw. This mission was to last only until 1803.16 Mr. Bullen, in 1800, wrote a description of his impression of the Chickasaw Indians: "The Chickasaw men are very effeminate and dressy--the head is, in a hot summer day, bound with a handkerchief, over it a thick binding of fulled cloth, covered with broaches; to the nose hang fix bobs, one in each ear, the outer curl of which is slit, and enrapped in silver. One bunch of hair is tied on the top of the head, to which is fastened, in seven locks, enclosed in silver and beads, the hair of a deer's tail, coloured red: this hangs over the face and eyes: the face is painted with streaks and spots of red and black; the beard is pulled out; the neck adorned with a dozen strings of beads of different sorts, besides a silk handkerchief; the arms and wrists adorned with silver bands; the body and arms covered with a calico shirt: the dress of the lower limbs is various. The women have no covering or ornament on the head but that of nature, unless a little paint and the hair clubbed behind with binding. The men have a bunch of white feathers fastened to the back part of the neck, and if a person of note, a black feather; and lest the dress or colouring should be discomposed, carries his glass in his pocket, or hanging to his side."17 The Reverend Bullen, also, commented on a Ball Play game that he witnessed. From the tenor of his narrative, he did not approve. "The mysteries are conducted by one of those witches heretofore mentioned for each party. At each end of the play-ground they erect two poles, five yards high, one yard asunder; four yards behind them they set up an image, the likeness of a man with a painted face, one yard high, and decorated with a raven's skin and feathers; the leader in the mysteries is in a manner naked, his head adorned with a pair of buffalo horns, his face and body painted of different hues; to his left arm hangs the wing of a crow........While the singing and dancing was performed by the ladies, a drum, made of a cypress tree, was beating, and the young beaus, about eighty in number, who were to play ball, beautified with vermilion, bear's oil, lamp-black, and white clay, their heads with feathers, red binding, &c. jewels in their noses and ears dance awhile."18 However, according to Dr. Rush Nutt paint had "fallen into disuse" at that time.19 Dr. Rush Nutt, also, described some aspects of a dance: "The dancing gentlemen had their legs dressed with numerous small bells or brass hollow balls with an iron shot within to ring. & the ladies had the skeletons of five terapin (tortoise) half filled with pebbles suspended to each leg ....."20 Fortesque Cuming wrote about some Chickasaw men he encountered in the vicinity of the first, second, and third Chickasaw Bluffs during his 1807-1809 tour. "They were well formed men, with fine countenances, and their chief was well dressed, having good leggins and mockasins, and large tin ear-rings, and his foretop of hair turned up, and ornamented with a quantity of beads."21 In the vicinity of the fourth Chickasaw Bluff's, he wrote: "An Indian was at the landing observing us. He was painted in such a manner as to leave us in doubt as to his sex until we noticed a bow and arrow in his hand. His natural colour was entirely concealed under the bright vermillion, the white, and the blue-grey, with which he was covered, not frightfully, but in such a manner as to mark more strongly, a fine set of features on a fine countenance. He was drest very fantastically in an old fashioned, large figured, high coloured calico shirt - deer skin leggins and mockesons, ornamented with beads, and a plume of beautiful heron's feathers nodding over his forehead from the back of his head."22 "...about fifty Chickasaw warriors, drest each according to his notion of finery, and most of them painted in a grotesque but not terrifick [terrifying] manner. Many of them had long feathers in the back part of their hair, and several wore breast plates formed in the shape of a crescent, and had large tin rings in their ears."23 Near these same fourth Chickasaw Bluffs, in January of 1819, Thomas Nuttall saw an encampment of Indians: "On visiting a neighboring encampment of Chickasaws, we found many of them in a state of intoxication. They are generally well dressed, extravagantly ornamented, and, from the fairness of many of their complexions, and agreeable features, appear to have profited from their intercourse with the Whites."24 While Nuttall was in the region of the encampment, he noticed that ".......the advance upon articles sold to the natives is [was] very exorbitant."25 In 1816, the Chickasaws signed a treaty which contained an article prohibiting White men from trading in the Chickasaw Nation. This increased the wealth of mixed blood families such as the Colberts. Three years later, The Chickasaw Bluffs Factory Store was moved to the Arkansas Territory.26 It was not until 1819 that missionaries would actively be present in the Chickasaw Nation. These consisted of Presbyterians, Methodists, and Baptists.27 This was the same year that the U. S. Congress passed an appropriation of $10,000.00 "for the purpose of civilizing the Indians"28 Thomas Stuart from the Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina and Georgia started a school in March of 1819.29 However, these "missionaries were more interested in converting the Chickasaws than in educating them."30 In 1827, the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions replaced the Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina and Georgia.31 Nonetheless, the work in the Chickasaw Nation progressed slower than elsewhere. In 1830, there were three missions in the Chickasaw nation, two missionaries, and four teachers.32 The responsibility for the administration of the schools was not solely that of the missionaries. The tribal council and Chickasaw Indian Agent were, also, responsible.33 During this period, some Chickasaw males were sent to school in Connecticut. However by 1832, this arrangement was not satisfactory for, among other factors, the young men were dying from the "climate".34 Horatio Cushman wrote in retrospect about the Chickasaws during the "missionary period" even though he was born in 1830 and brought up with the Choctaws. "As ornaments, the men wore four or five broad crescents of tin highly polished, or of silver when to be obtained, suspended upon the breast, one above the other, and one around the head. They also used little beads in ornamenting their leather garments, intermingled with fancy embroidery. Their favorite embellishment, as with all North American Indians, was the vermillion paint with which they decorated their faces. The mode of decoration was confined to the men. "The women, like their white sisters, wore ornaments from their ears, bracelets around their necks, and also strings of various kinds of gaudy beads."35 Cushman, also, made note that the Indians wore beautifully beaded moccasins.36 Some of the clothes and materials used by the Chickasaws can be identified from the inventory of a peddler who was illegally selling his goods in the Chickasaw Nation. In 1833, John Walker of Walker & Goodman was arrested and the following goods were seized: "602 yds calico, 233 1/2 yds domestic, 2 robes dresses37, 44 shawls, 32 blankets, 152 1/2 pounds dry hides, 131 yds wire twist, 74 handkerchiefs, 4 papers of pins, 16 combs, 4 pr. scissors, 24 doz. bone buttons, 1 trunk, and 18 boss balls."38 According to the information available, it was very unusual for traders or merchants to carry ready-made clothing for Indian women. While records show that ready-made clothes were available for Indian men, only yard goods from which women could construct their own clothes were usually available. In a letter to General Eaton from John L. Allen, assistant Chickasaw Agent, the latter remarked about the Chickasaw women. "They keep themselves decent and clean and in many instances particular attention is paid to fashions that are in use by the whites. It is their constant practice to appear in their best apparel at their public meetings, also when they visit the country villages in the white settlements."39 In 1820, Adam Hodgson, visiting America from an English missionary society visited the Chickasaw and was impressed with the fancy dress of the Chickasaws who were going to a dance and ball-play. "The magnificence of their dresses exceeded any thing that we had yet seen; and the profusion of silver ornaments was far greater than among the Choctaws. Indeed, they cut Splendid figure as they galloped through the woods; and my servant regretted that we did not stay to see them, as he was sure it was going to be a`a very gay party'. The women were dressing their husband's hair along the path-side. "The Chickasaws generally appeared to us neater in their persons, than our friends the Choctaws; on whom I mean no reflection, and I am aware that our opportunities of observation were too limited, to justify any general conclusion. The Chickasaws seem, however, to expend [a lot] in ornaments,......."40 According to Gibson, Chickasaw society was highly stratified with mixed bloods forming a type of aristocracy. Not only were families like the Colberts large property owners, but they were, also, large slave owners. As with other Southeastern tribes, there was a great dichotomy between the full bloods and the mixed bloods, with the latter having both political and financial control. Many of them owned plantations and dressed and lived in a manner similar to the White men of a similar class. In 1830, at the request of the War Department, John Allen wrote a report on the condition of the Chickasaws at that point in time. The report was in the from of a letter. The description of the women's dress, in an earlier paragraph, was from that report. The report stated, basically, that the climate was temperate, the land was good, and horses and cattle could forage for themselves. Even though game had become scarce, husbandry of large herds of cattle, swine, sheep, and goats had replaced the chase along with the production of cotton and the cultivation of corn, wheat, oats, peas, potatoes, beans, etc. The Chickasaws exported cotton, beef, and pork. With the money from the sales of cotton, horses, beef, cattle, hogs, etc., they purchased both necessities and luxuries such as slaves, sugar, coffee and "......dry goods of various descriptions which are calculated to render them comfortable and ornament their persons."41 "Much to the honor of the Chickasaws, for the last eight years, the practice of the men requiring the woman to perform all the labour in the field is much changed - The men now (with a few exceptions) cultivate the earth themselves, while the females part of the family is engaged in their household affairs. They spin, weave, make their own cloathing, Milch cows, make butter, cheeses, etc. "Many of the Chickasaws profess Christianity - I attended a Camp meeting at the Missionary's - Divine worship was performed alternately by white, and red men, in English and Indian Languages. Everything was Conducted with the utmost good order, and decorum. "As a Nation the Men are brave, and honest, the women (the halfbreeds in particular) are beautiful and virtuous; and I am of the opinion that there has been greater advancement in Civilization in the last eight years than there was in twenty previous. "I think the present State of education does not meet the wishes or expectations of the Chiefs and that of the Nation. "Education is confined generally to the half breeds and youths....There are at this time Several whitemen that have identified themselves with the Indians by marriage, and Several half breeds that have sufficient education to enable them to transmit a considerable portion of the business of the Nation. "The Municipal Laws of the Chickasaws consists in written, or resolutions Commanding that which is right; and prohibiting that which they conceive to be wrong. - Their Laws are few, easily understood; and rigidly enforced, and are highly calculated to promote peace, and good order among themselves."42 During this period of time, the government was continually attempting to persuade the Chickasaws to move to land west of the Mississippi. In 1828, a party comprised of mixed and full blood leaders agreed to explore the land.43 By 1830, the Chickasaws were forced to realize that they would not be able to hold onto their home land without losing all their rights to the jurisdiction of the state of Mississippi. The law, enacted in 1829 and 1830, basically, abolished all tribal laws and made the Indians subject to the laws of the state of Mississippi. President Andrew Jackson used the confiscation of their rights as the pivotal lever to try to convince them that he was looking out for their interests when he suggested that they move to land west of the Mississippi. On August 23, 1830 through the office of the Secretary of war and through General Coffee, he addressed a delegation of Chickasaws at Franklin, Tennessee. "Brothers, listen:-To these laws, where you are, you must submit;-there being no preventive-no other alternative. Your great father cannot, nor can congress prevent it. The states only can. What then? Do you believe that you can live under those laws? That you can surrender all your ancient habits, and the forms by which you have been controlled?.............. No intention or wish is to force you from your lands, but rather to intimate to you what is for your own interest."44 The Federal Government's plan was to have the Chickasaws remove to a portion of the territory allocated to the Choctaws; the area was to be considered as one unit. The Chickasaws refused to be a party to this plan.45 Between 1830 and 1836, various exploration parties and treaties were fashioned between the Federal Government and the Chickasaws regarding then sale of their land and conditions for removal west. During this period, many delegations of Chickasaws went to Washington and to the land west of the Mississippi. The following is a list of some of the expenses for clothing incurred by these delegations from 1833-1835 that came out of the Chickasaw's Fund for Chickasaw Indian Removal:
Finally on January 17, 1837, an agreement was reached with the Choctaws that enabled the Chickasaws to buy land from them. Thus, on February 17, 1837, the Chickasaws informed the President that some of their number would be ready to remove west by May 1st of that year.47 The Chickasaw land was to be sold both through private and public sales. Adult Chickasaws were assigned temporary homesteads of predefined sizes. These were to be their new homes east of the Mississippi until they emigrated.48 Only those Chickasaws judged to be competent - defined as probably capable of handling their affairs -49 were to receive the proceeds while still in Mississippi.50 However, many of those that received their money while still in Mississippi spent it on purchasing huge quantities of goods including "many valuable articles....believing that their wants could not be supplied after getting to their homes. In fact some of them bought as high as a thousand dollars worth of goods of various kinds which it was impossible for me to prevent, - even had I been present. Every merchant was pressing off on them every article he could. In fact - Sir, I saw two women purchase seven hundred dollars worth of goods in the course of two hours."51 Their purchases added to the large quantity of baggage that they carried with them to their new homes.52 Even though some did not receive money, still there was an exorbitant amount spent on whiskey and goods purchased from petty merchants.53 The 1837 removal of the Chickasaws has been documented in both letters and newspaper articles. The Army and Navy Chronicle of August 3, 1837 reprinted an article that appeared in the Memphis Gazette detailing the movement of a party of five hundred. "They presented a handsome appearance, being nearly all mounted, and, with few exceptions, well dressed in their national costume. It has been remarked by many of our citizens, who have witnessed the passage of emigrating Indians, that on no previous occasion was there as good order or more despatch. - Not a drunken Indian, we believe, was seen in the company; and the whole, after travelling eight miles, crossed the Mississippi on the same day."54 Similarly, B. R. McIlvaine wrote to his mother about a crossing that he witnessed in the late fall of 1837. "I do not think that I have ever been a witness of so remarkable a scene as was formed by this immense column of moving Indians, several thousand, with the train of Gov' waggons, the multitude of horses; it is said three to each Indian & beside at least six dogs & cats to an Indian. They were all most comfortably clad-the men in complete Indian dress with showy shawls tied in turban fashion round their heads--dashing about on their horses, like Arabs, many of them presenting the finest countenances & figures that I ever saw. The women also very decently clothed like white women, in calico gowns--much tidier & better put on than common white-people--& how beautifully they managed their horses, how proud & calm & erect, they sat in full gallop. The young women have remarkably mild & soft countenances & are singularly decorous in their dress & deportment. There were some white women, wives of Indians & they were decidedly the least neat of the party."55 McIlvaine went on to describe the encampment of the Chickasaws using, in all probability, "poetic license." "It was a striking scene at night--when the multitudes of fire kindled, showed to advantage the whole face of the country covered with the white tents & white covered waggons, with all the interstices (between them) filled with a dense mass of animal life in the shape of savages, uncouth looking white hunters, the picturesque looking Indian negroes, with dresses belonging to no country but partaking of all, & these changing & mingling with the hundreds of horses hobbled & turned out to feed & the troops of dogs chasing about in search of food--& then you would hear the whoops of Indians calling their family party together to receive their rations, from another quarter a wild song from the Negroes preparing the corn, with the strange chorus that the rest would join in--& then the waggoners & hunters round their fires would get up their odd singing--& this would set a thousand hounds baying & curs yelping--& then the fires would catch tall dead trees & rushing to the tops throw a strong glare over all this scene, deepening the savage traits of the men, & softening the features of the women; till at last I almost thought I was suddenly transported to some oriental land, or that one of the wild dreams that are common to men of active imagination was being represented for my amusement in real life. "It was my delight to wander at will, wherever anything strange led me, going into tents--making friends with the men by shaking their hands & with the women by playing with the little fat naked wild children--dividing apples among them, to their great satisfaction. Great pains were taken by the agents to keep liquor from the men, & few were drunk--the women neither drink nor smoke-- but mostly were seated on skins sewing or doing some kind of work--singularly calm & composed--& contrasted with the incessant galloping about of the men. Only the poorest squaws carrd [carried] burthens--nearly all had ponies for that purpose, which they led, riding (on good side saddles) other horses. The women make their own clothes remarkably well. The fondness for dogs was the most prevalent & amusing. One old woman who had lost her pony was carrying a heavy load on her back with a belt across her forehead--to balance which, she had a basket in front suspended around her neck in which were nine fine puppies; the respectable mother of which trotted doggedly behind, to see that none were dropped by the way. Some had their cats & litters of kittens--others their favorite chickens, ducks, & turkeys. "I shall never forget the singular picture the whole party presented, when all were got across the Miss--& in one dense mass covered the whole open ground on the bank. It was a scene to paint, not describe with words--civilized society is so uniform & tame in the dress & manner & equipage that a crowd has no life in it. Here however no one man was like another. Their clothing was of all the bright colors of the rainbow & arranged with every possible variety of form and taste. [This statement of individuality is consistent with all narratives.]--but all flowing & fantastic & untailorlike. I wish I could have sketched the scene, as they stood each above the other from the water's edge to the top of the ascending ground. They seemed grouped there, to present one grand display of barbaric pomp. "Much money could not compensate for the loss of what I have seen the last few days with all, there was mixed sympathy for the exiles--for they go unwillingly--whether it be for their good or not--moreover the agents & officers all concurred in speaking of the integrity of the men and the good behavior of the women--keep only liquor away from the men. They said that it rarely happened that any violence was committed by them against the whites, but after receiving the worst & strongest provocation."56 This idyllic and picturesque description by McIlvaine was not representative of the emigrations, in general. There were problems with inedible rations, barrels of pork without brine, corn potentially spoilable by rain, etc.57 In addition, the Indians lost many of their ponies through thievery by White men 58 and, most probably, other causes. A letter dated January 19, 1838 stated that "between five and six hundred horses and oxen" were lost.59 There were also groups in which many of its members perished from drowning or sickness. A difficult emigration is documented by Conductor Millard. He conducted a party of Chickasaws, that had broken away from the main group near Little Rock, to the Choctaw District. On August 10th, 1837, Millard left Little Rock. He encountered groups of Indian who had broken off from the main group and were either sick or undernourished. Some died along the route.60 Upon arrival in the Indian Territory, some groups met starvation and sickness. In a letter written on September 9, 1838 by Chickasaw Chiefs and Headmen, they petitioned the President for more provisions. "..since our Emigration we have suffered Severely by Sickness. Many of our people have died and the general drought through the Indian Country has been particularly felt [by] ours, for these reasons together with the fact that many of our people arrived too late to make a crop, Makes it our duty to apply for further subsistence."61 Also some groups that arrived encountered small pox epidemics en route and at some of the settlements. Upshaw wrote a letter to Harris the main body of which is a statement from William R. Guy, the Issuing Commissary Agent for the Chickasaws at the post on Boggy. "`I am here starving with the Chickasaws by gross mismanagement on the part of the Contractors, and when our situation will be bettered is hard for me to tell, for it is one failure after another without end. You, or Col. Armstrong are very much needed here at this time for there is such a propensity to play Fam[?] at Fort Coffee that I begin to think that we will starve to death, or abandon the Country. There has been corn within forty miles of this place for four or five days without moving a peg to relieve the suffering of the people at Blue or Boggy.'62 "I am also informed that the Small Pox is still raging between Fort Coffee and Blue and Boggy, and that provisions on the road from Little Rock to Fort Coffee are very scarce."63 However, there were provisions in other parts of the Indian Territory as evidenced from the rest of Upshaw's letter. "I have nearly come to the conclusion to take the party that I shall start with in the course of two or three days, by the way of Fort Towson, where, I am informed, provisions can be had in abundance on the roads, and it is free from disease, and there is only six miles difference in the distance from Little Rock to Blue by way of Towson. Should I take that route, it will be on account of good roads, provisions, and it being free from the Small Pox."64 Some groups, however, did arrive at their destination in a, relatively, smooth manner. William Armstrong, in a letter to C. A. Harris written on December 7, 1837 wrote about some of the parties that already arrived. "The parties that have arrived have a very large quantity of baggage, are well provided with tents, farming utensils and have a number of waggons and teams of their own. Indeed they have every requisite necessary for settling in a new country."65 The time it took the Indians to reach the Indian territory varied tremendously depending on the route they travelled. The Chickasaws that travelled to Fort Coffee by water route, arrived in eight to ten days; while those that went by the land route travelled from a month to six weeks.66 Although the land route was harder and took longer, the water route engendered fear. This was especially true after the report that a river steamer with three hundred Creek emigrants was lost.67 Initially, it was thought that the emigration would be completed by the first of November, 1837.68 By early 1838, most of the emigrants had arrived in the west, but the Chickasaw removal would continue until 1850.69 1. A reprint of this letter appeared in The New York Historical Society Quarterly XXXVll, pp. 273-283, July 1953. The full article was entitled "Letters on the Chickasaw Removal of 1837 " by John Parsons. John C. Ewers's comment can be found in footnote 17, p. 281. 7. This speech is included in this chapter because Dr. Nutt was describing his sojourn through the Chickasaw Nation and referring to Colbert's speech within that context. 8. Colbert's speech is taken from Diary 8 of the Diaries of Dr. Rush Nutt of 1805 during which time he traversed the Southeast. Thomas Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, OK. 10. .James Hall, A Brief History of the Mississippi Territory to Which is Prefixed a Summary of the View of the Country between the Settlement on Cumberland River, and the Territory, p. 5. 11. Dr. Rush Nutt. Diary 8. 1805. Thomas Gilcrease Museum, Tulsa, OK. 14. James Hall, A Brief History of the Mississippi Territory to Which is Prefixed a Summary of the View of the Country between the Settlement on Cumberland River, and the Territory, p. 4. 16. William L. Hiemstra, "Early Presbyterians Missions Among the Choctaw and Chickasaw Indians in Mississippi", The Journal of Mississippi History, Volume 10, p. 11. 21. Forteque Cuming, "Cuming's Tour to the Western Country" in Reuben Gold Thwaites', Early Western Travels, volume 4, p. 285. 28. Dawson A. Phelps, "The Chickasaw Mission", The Journal of Mississippi History, volume 13, p. 226. 31. William L. Hiemstra, "Early Presbyterians Missions Among the Choctaw and Chickasaw Indians in Mississippi", The Journal of Mississippi History, Volume 10, p. 13. 34. Foreman Collection, box 22, vol. 36, p. 65. A letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, on May 19th, 1832 from a Chickasaw delegation. 37. What the term "robes dresses" means is unknown since the term "dress" did not describe an article of clothing during the time frame in question. 38. Foreman Collection, vol 22, box 36., pp. 56-58. Letter to John Eaton, Secretary of War from John L. Allen, sub agent. January 21, 1831. Originally from OIA 1831 Chickasaws (Sub-Agency) Jno. l. Allen. Seizure of John Walker's good. Thomas Gilcrease Museum. Tulsa, OK. 39. National Archives, microcopy 234, roll 136. From a letter from John Allen to Eaton, February 7, 1830. 41. National Archives, microcopy 234, roll 136. From a letter from John Allen to Eaton, February 7, 1830. 46. Excerpt from a Reprint of Document #65, House of Representatives, War Dept., 27th Congress, 3rd Session, pp. 48, 49, 50, 52. 50. National Archives, OIA, group 234, roll 143, letter from A. M. M. Upshaw, May 15, 1837 to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 51. Ibid., letter from A. M. M. Upshaw to Hon. C. A. Harris, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, August, 1, 1838. 52. Ibid., letters of January 19, 1838 and February 16, 1838 from William Armstrong to Commissioner C. A. Harris. 53. Ibid., letter from A. M. M. Upshaw to the Hon. C. A. Harris. Pontiac, May 15, 1837. 54. Army and Navy Chronicle. Volume 5, number 5, August 3, 1837, p. 75. 55. A reprint of this letter appeared in The New York Historical Society Quarterly XXXVll, pp. 273-283, July 1953. The full article was entitled "Letters on the Chickasaw Removal of 1837 " by John Parsons. 57. National Archives, OIA, microcopy 243, roll 143. Letter written from the Choctaw Agency Landing by Van Horn to Captain Collins on June 17th, 1837. 58. Ibid. Journal kept by Millard, a conductor of an emigration party transmitted in with a cover letter dated September 17, 1837. 60. Ibid. From a Journal kept by Millard from August 4 - September 5, 1837 and transmitted to the proper sources on September 17, 1837. 61. Ibid. A letter from James Colbert et al to the President of the United States, September 9, 1838. 62. Ibid. A letter from Upshaw to Harris, June 7, 1838. This part of the letter was the insertion of Guy's letter.63. Ibid. A letter from Upshaw to Harris, June 7, 1838. 67. The New York Historical Society Quarterly XXXVll, July 1953. "Letters on the Chickasaw Removal of 1837 " by John Parsons, p. 275. |