The French in the Southeast in the sixteenth century Map # 6 Indian Tribes circa 1560 As of 1550 the Spanish had not succeeded in establishing a permanent presence on the southern part of the Atlantic seaboard.1 The climate was propitious for the French to venture into the area of "La Florida" and attempt to establish a colony there. The first Frenchmen to arrive on the coast as "settlers-adventurers" were a group of French Huguenots. Their reasons for desiring to establish themselves in "La Floride" were two-fold. Firstly, being a Protestant minority, they were afraid of persecution in their native France; secondly, being Protestant "heretics," they desired to inflict as much harm on the Catholic Spaniards as they could. They hoped to establish strategic bases from which they could rob the Spanish galleons as they came through the Florida Straits since these were loaded with riches for Europe.2 This was not the first contact that the Indians were to have with the French. These two peoples had been trading for many years.3 As far North as Chesapeake Bay, the French had been trading with the Powhatan Indians since 1546.4 In 1562 Jean Ribaut and René Goulaine de Laudonnière commanded a small group of French Huguenots whose mission was to establish a military outpost (Charlesfort) on the coast of Florida. In the 1560's, Florida encompassed the coasts of Georgia and South Carolina. The French built their fort near what is currently Port Royal. In actuality, however, the Spanish had laid claim to all the territory "from the Atlantic on the east to the longitude of New Mexico on the west, and from the Gulf of Mexico and the River of Palms northward indefinitely toward the Polar Sea."5 Soon after Ribaut and Laudonnière returned to France, dissention and starvation beset the garrison. Even with the help of the friendly Cusabo Indians, the fort disintegrated.6 Map # 7 Two patterns had already been set into motion that, eventually, would lead to the decimation of the Indians. Firstly, the European powers claimed land to establish supremacy in this "New World". Already many of the Indian Tribes who had come into contact with the Spanish were more than ready to align themselves with another nation against the Spanish. Secondly, European powers were already promising to help one Indian group against another since they saw that these Indian rivalries could be used for selfish purposes and for personal gain. The Europeans would not hesitate, as history will show, to abuse the Indians's trust and to renege on promises of allegiance. What differentiated Laudonnière's second expedition from others was the presence of the painter, Jacques le Moyne de Morgues, whose commission was to keep a visual record of the new land and its inhabitants. Le Moyne was not typical of the type of person who comprised this second expedition. Most of the men were professional soldiers or adventurers who were not interested in pursuing the work necessary to establish a secure stronghold. They were more interested in finding the sources of gold and silver that the Indians were supposed to possess; these adventurers did not realize that these precious metals were, for the most part, by-products of Spanish shipwrecks.8 The French were not in a strong position to guard their claim. Even with reinforcements arriving in the person of Ribaut and others, the Spanish under Pedro Menéndez de Avilés were able to finally destroy the French at Fort Caroline in 1565.9 Fortunately, Le Moyne was able to flee and return to Paris. While Le Moyne's art work has given a lot of insight into native Indian life, it has also created a lot of controversy. Unfortunately, all of his paintings have been lost except for one: "The Natives of Florida Worshiping the Column Erected by the Commander Laudonnière on His First Voyage". (See figure #1) Thus, it has become necessary to rely on the 16th century engraver, De Bry, for the pictorial depiction of the Indians and their artifacts since he created engravings from Le Moyne's work. It is generally agreed that the Natives's dress and adornment has been portrayed relatively accurately although some aspects of their appearance are questionable. However, many of their artifacts have been found not to correspond with archeological finds.10 Le Moyne - Figure # 1 Since Le Moyne did not do the actual painting until he returned to Europe, it might be assumed that the Indians he painted were not modeled after the actual people found in the New World but after the European archetypes of the era. Thus their physical structure, hair, and features might not be actual renditions of the people found in the16th century New World. An interval of approximately twenty years elapsed before De Bry was to publish etchings of Le Moyne's work. De Bry cannot be completely blamed for the misrepresentations found in the engravings since Le Moyne's one surviving painting shows the Indians in classical European poses and with bodies similar to those portrayed by De Bry.11 Although De Bry had first approached Le Moyne circa 1587 desirous of purchasing his paintings, Le Moyne refused to sell them to him since he had plans to engrave and publish them himself. De Bry was only able to acquire Le Moyne's paintings after the latter's death. He purchased the paintings as well as Le Moyne's narrative of the French colony from Le Moyne's widow.12 Le Moyne's narrative consisted not only of his own writings but, also, of the writings of Laudonnière and Le Challeux.13
It is often hard to ascertain the accuracy of a narrative or visual depiction. Often the only way to make an educated deduction is to first determine whether a motive or circumstance is present to cause the author or artist to distort the portrayal. The work of Le Moyne will be evaluated and viewed utilizing these parameters. The three main sources for knowledge of the dress and adornment of the Southeast Indians of the Florida peninsula in the 1560's are Ribaut (also spelled Ribault & Ribaud), Laudonnière, and the Le Moyne-De Bry connection. Geographically, the area that these early Frenchmen explored differed from that explored by most of the early Spanish Explorers who did not concentrate their efforts on the Southern Atlantic seaboard. The French, as had done the Spanish, distributed their goods to the Indians. "To the intent we might sende them our thinges, which the Indians commonly desier and esteeme, as sheetes of Paper, Glasses, Belles, and such like trifles."15 Le Moyne-De Bry - Figure # 3 The French explorers and settlers in the 1560's came in contact basically with two groupings of Indians: The tribes belonging to the Cusabo grouping near Charlesfort and Point Royal Sound and the Timucua who lived near Fort Caroline and the river May (St. John's River). Between these two loose groupings (internal rivalry apparent and prevalent) lived the Guale Indians. The Cusabo and Guale lived, primarily, on the coast while the Timucua lived inland. Le Moyne's work centers around the Timucua Indians. However, verbal descriptions exist that describe both the Timucua and the Cusabo Indians' dress and adornment16. The Cusabo Indians did not represent one tribe but were a collective group comprised of different tribes in the area. Some of the tribes forming the Cusabo grouping were described by Allyón and Francisco de Chicora. Ribaut and Laudonnière do not always separate their descriptions of the Timucua Indians from those of the Cusabo. Ribaut felt that the Cusabo were "like in manours."17 However, if Allyón's and Francisco de Chicora's descriptions still applied to the Cusabo forty years later, then the Cusabo were not "like in manours" to the Timucuans. Laudonnière, in his first voyage, (the one without Le Moyne) described the Timucuan Indians:
Sir John Hawkins, who came to the aid of Laudonnière in 1565 described the Indians in a similar manner to Laudonnière, but he added some additional information as well as describing the women's dress in detail. "In their apparell the men onely use deere skinnes, wherewith some onely cover their privy members, other some use the same garments to cover them before and behind; which skinnes are painted, some yellow and red, some blacke & russet, and every man according to his owne fancy. They do not omit to paint their bodies with curious knots or antlike worke, as every man in his owne fancy deviseth, which painting, to make it continue the better, they use with a thorne to pricke their flesh, and dent in the same, whereby the painting may have better hold. In their warres they use a sleighter colour of painting their faces, wherby to make them more fierce; which after their warres ended, they wash away againe."19 It can be seen from the last part of the above quotations, that the Indians used both permanent and temporary markings on their bodies. The latter varied with circumstances. Also, it was noted as early as the sixteenth century that the Indians were individualistic in their designs. Many writers will comment on this individualism in their narratives throughout the upcoming centuries. Hawkins followed his description of Timucuan men with that of the Timucuan Indian women: "The women also for their apparell use painted skinnes, but most of them [use] gownes of moss, which they sowe together artificially, and make the same surplesse wise, wearing their haire downe to their shoulders, like the Indians."20 Le Moyne-De Bry - Figure # 5 Le Moyne, also, described and pictured these gowns of moss. "The queen and her maidens were adorned with belts worn either at the shoulder or at the waist, made of a kind of moss that grows on trees. The moss is woven into slender threads of a bluish-green color and is so delicate in texture as to be mistaken for filaments of silk."21 Even though the narrative reflects the etching, there are three areas in it that are questionable. Firstly, the reference to a belt of moss worn over the shoulder is unique and not backed up by other narratives. Secondly, the bluish-green color of the moss is questionable, unless it was dyed. The Spaniard, Fontaneda, described the moss as being brown which more accurately resembles dried moss or grass. Thirdly, the moss was probably spun, not woven, into filaments. Another type of Indian described by Laudonnière (and others) was that of the "Hermaphrodite"22 of whom there were many. These men dressed as women and functioned in a similar manner. They were used, in part, to carry heavy loads and accompany the warriors into battle bearing their victuals.23 "They paint their faces much, and sticke their haire full of feathers or downe, that they may seeme more terrible."24 All of the Timucuan Indians when in mourning cut off half of their hair.25 Ever since anthropologists have been studying the artistic works of Le Moyne-De Bry, there has always been a controversy, mentioned previously, about the accuracy of the work. Le Moyne pictured the (Timucuan) breech clout as basically being made of one piece of skin wrapped around the waist without any type of girdle (belt) to hold it up. Swanton, in his publication Indians of the Southeastern United States (BAE 137) on page 458 stated:
What Swanton failed to mention is that this same Timucuan, who wore the red belt, removed it and gave it to Ribaut as a present: "[This Indian] forth with sent me his girdell [belt] in token of assurance and friendship, which girdell was made of red lether as well couried [covered] and coloured as is possible."26 Girdles or belts in sixteenth century Europe were worn decoratively and as vehicles for hanging small weapons.27 Some of Le Moyne's etchings show a male Timucuan wearing a "skirt-like" garment under his breech clout. It is possible that this "skirt-like" garment is the "girdell" mentioned in the quote. However, it seems highly unlikely that anyone would remove a belt that functioned to hold in place a breech clout in order to give it as a gift. Since many styles of breech clouts have already been described from the sixteenth century - those made of skins, plaited palm fronds etc., - it seems plausible that the male Timucuans wore breech clouts as depicted by Le Moyne. However, it could be said that Le Moyne might have been influenced in his rendition of the Indian breech clout by the European Cod-piece used to cover the male genitalia. This latter statement is purely speculative. Another argument that lends validity to Le Moyne's depictions of the Indians's dress centers around the issue of artistic rendition and distortion. Usually, an artist will distort an object or substitute one that is not endemic to the painting for a specific reason. Since Le Moyne was hired to describe what he found in the New World, to distort the breech clout continuously and consistently does not make any sense. The objects that he distorted (hair, anatomy, etc.) and the European objects that he substituted for Indian ones (various vessels etc.) can be understood in terms of the stylistic expectations for sixteenth century paintings. His paintings are, stylistically, consistent with the European paintings of the era. To change the depiction of a breech clout is totally inconsistent with the changes that he made. The Timucuan Indians all wore their hair long. However, while the men's hair was described in writing, the women's was not. Le Moyne-De Bry - Figure # 7 "las mujeres lo tienen más largo y ricogido en rizos, ambos sextos se lo atan."29 "the women have it longer and gathered in curls, both sexes bind it".30 Unfortunately, the veracity of this quotation is in question because the English translation of 1912 of the same book makes no mention of the women's hair being gathered in curls.31 Even though the Chicora Indians were not the same as the Timucuans and were seen about forty years earlier, mention is made of the women having wavy hair. Thus, the categorical statement that Le Moyne and De Bry represented the women's hair incorrectly cannot be definatively made even though the evidence points toward the fact that they did portray it incorrectly. Although the men's hair has been discussed briefly, two descriptions are worth noting. Ribaut described a group of Timucuan men as having: "....new pictures upon there faces, and fethers upon their heddes,.....having about there heddes and heare, which was trussed up of a height, a kinde of heare of some wilde beaste died redd, gathered and wrought together with great cunyng, and wrethed and facioned after the form of a diademe."32 Le Challeux stated that "the trussing of their hair serves as a quiver to carry their arrows when they go to war".33 The Indians not only adorned and dressed their hair, but they also liked to decorate their bodies creating ornamentation through painting and tattooing.
The early removable ornaments were made of feathers, pearls, metal, shells, bones, and various parts of fish. Early on in Laudonnière's sojourn to the River of May (St. John's), King Saturioua (Saturiwa) sent an advance party of indians to greet Laudonnière. These were: "adorned, after the Indian manner, with their riches; such as feathers of different kinds, necklaces of a select sort of shells, bracelets of fishes' teeth, girdles of silver colored-balls, some round and some oblong; and having many pearls fastened on their legs. Many of them had also hanging to their legs round flat plates of gold, silver, or brass, so that in walking they tinkled like little bells."34 The round flat plates of gold were also worn by the women when they danced. The following two quotations refer to the Carlos Indians who lived in the Southwestern sector of the Florida Peninsula. "When the women met for the purpose of dancing, they wore hanging at their girdles, flat plates of gold as large as quoits, and in such numbers that the weight fatigued and inconvenienced them in dancing; and that the men were similarly loaded."35 The Indians told the French that the majority of this wealth came from wrecked Spanish ships; the remainder was obtained by barter from neighboring chiefs.36 Gold, silver, and pearls were worn in abundance by the Timucuan Indians: "And we have perceved that there be as many and as faire perles found there as in any contry in the worlde, for we sawe a man of theires, as we entered into our boates, that had a perle hanging at a collour of gould and silver about his necke as great as an acorn at the least."37 Le Moyne-De Bry - Figure # 8 "One of them had hanging at his necke a littell round plate of redd copper well polished, with an other of lesser of silver in the myddst of yt [it] (as ye shall se) and at his eare a littel plate of copper wherwithe they used to strype (scrape) and take awaye the sweat from their bodies."38 The Timucuans, both men and women, wore earrings. "All the men and women have their ears pierced and wear in them small oblong fish bladders, which shine like pearls when inflated and when dyed red look like light-colored rubies."39 The Three Indians marching in Le Moyne-De Bry's etching (see figure #3) can be seen to be wearing large gorgets suspended from their neck. It also can be seen from this picture that the Indian with the Eagle headdress on, also, wore Eagle claws as earrings. Headdresses were usually worn only by the leading men of the community.40 This same picture shows three common styles of headdresses: large feathers encircling the head; a crown-like arrangement including a central tuft of feathers; and the figure of an animal or bird worn on top of the head. In all of these pictures, the hair is still trussed up on top of the man's head. In all of Le Moyne-De Bry's pictures, women have never been shown with other than loose hair even if the hair has been incorrectly portrayed as being wavy.
Le Moyne's rendition of breech clouts has also been questioned. Swanton believed that Le Moyne misconstrued the construction of the breech clout and did not portray it accurately.42 Unless new narratives are unearthed in the future, the accuracy of this aspect of his paintings cannot be determined. Reference has been previously made to the Indians's custom of painting their faces especially when going to war. In the Le Moyne-De Bry etching of the three Chiefs going to war (figure # 3), Outina (Utina) is pictured as walking in the middle of a formation of warriors; the text stated that his whole body was painted red while the young warriors wore red war paint only on their faces.43 As a note to this rendition of battle formation. The text stated that while Saturiba did not march his men in this type of formation, Outina did.44 If this picture is a true portrayal, then Outina was unique among the Indians in his manner of conducting war. The Timucuans, both male and female, did not only use red paint for bodily adornment but, also, painted the skin around their mouth blue and tattooed their arms and thighes.45 Closeup of Tattoos According to W. W. Ehrmann in his article "The Timucua Indians of Sixteenth Century Florida", tattooing was only practiced by men of prominence and wives of the chiefs. The colors they used were: "red, black, yellow, russet, and azure."47 Le Moyne's illustrations show the tattoos to be basically of geometric patterns of different size circles and straight and curved lines sometimes appearing to resemble necklaces and bracelets. All these patterns encircled the entire body part that was tattooed. The Timucuans, also, considered the length of their nails to be of significance: "For greater adornment and magnificence they allow the nails on their fingers to grow long and file the fingernails at the side with a shell so that they become very sharp."48 Between the Timucuans near Fort Caroline and the Cusabo near Charles Fort lived the Guale Indians. Ovade or Ouadé was probably, according to Hodge, a Guale chief.49 Of significance to the study of dress was a tapestry and a coverlet observed in Chief Ovade's house. According to Hakluyt, who translated Laudonnière's book about his voyages to the New World, Laudonnière described the tapestry and coverlet in the following manner: "His [Ovade's] house was hanged about with Tapistrie of feathers of divers colours the height of a pike. Moreover the place where the King tooke his rest was covered with white Coverlettes embroydered with devises of very wittie and fine workmanship, and round about with a Fringe dyed in the coulor of scarlet."50 However there is a key French word that does not correspond to the original translation: "estoit couvert de blanches couvertures tissues en compartimens d'ingenieux artifice y franges tout à l'entour d'une frange teinte en coleur d'escarlate."51 The French word Tissues is of significance because it refers to a woven fabric.52 The quotation should read: "He was covered with a cover of white fabric woven in compartments or panels......." Thus, the coverlet was a white woven fabric different from the tapestry which was made of bird feathers. Unfortunately, Laudonnière does not elaborate on how the fabric was woven nor on the material used to create it. The gifts that the Indians gave to the French and those that they desired to receive from the French provide additional information about their dress and adornment. Captain Dominique De Gourgues, reporting on the fourth voyage of the French, noted that: "The thing......that the Floridians [Indians] make the most account of, are red Cloth or redde Cotton to make baudricks or gyrdles: copper, and hatchets to cut withall."53 Jean Ribaut, also, mentioned items that the Indians esteemed greatly. "and in leaving in the place where they dressed there meate, knyves, looking glasses and littell beades of glasse, which they love and esteme above gould and pearles for to hang them at there eares and necke, and [to] give them to there wives and children..."54 The French, also, gave the Indians suits of European clothing; however, there are no references about how they made use of the clothing. "I sent this chief two different suits of clothes, and some axes, knives, and other merchandise of small value as a means of better obtaining his friendship."55 In two instances, Ribaut made note that he gave them gowns or, used synonymously in this context, robes. "....presented theire Kinge and his brethern with gownes of blewe clothe garnished with yellowe flowers ..."56 "[We] presented them with littell (lyke) gifts of haberdasherye wares, cutting hooks, and hatchettes, and clothed the king and his brethern with like robes we had geven to them on the other side."57 The Indians shared with the French gifts that they deemed important until they found out that the French preferred gifts of metal and minerals.58 "Among these [gifts] were circular plates of gold and silver as large as a moderate-sized platter, such as they are accustomed to wear to protect the back and breast in war; much gold alloyed with brass, and silver not thoroughly smelted. He sent also some quivers covered with very choice skins, with golden heads to all the arrows; and many pieces of a stuff made of feathers, and most skillfully ornamented with rushes of different colors; also green and blue stones, which some thought to be emeralds and sapphires, in the form of wedges, and which they used instead of axes, for cutting wood."59 These type of goods only encouraged the appetites of the Europeans to continue their search for precious metals. The French continued to collect goods that they deemed valuable. "Also they brought us littell bagges of redd coullours and some smale peces like unto oore, perceving also amonges them faire thinges paynted as yt had byn with grayn of scalett, shewing unto us by signes that they had within the lande gould, silver, and copper wherof we have brought some muster; also leade like unto ours, which we shewed them, turqueses, and a great abundance of perlles......."60 Variations in dress between societal occupations and status existed among the Indians as well as among the Europeans. Thevet described a chief wearing a robe whose train of pelts had to be carried by four men. "But since they noticed that the four last ones were carrying the train of the pelts [with] which the first was clothed, they suspected that he was of higher rank than the others, plus the fact that they called him Paracousti [chief]."61 French exploration did not cease with Ribaut and Laudonnière. The Englishman, Sir Francis Drake, rescued Nicholas Burgoignon from San Agustín circa 1586.62 Burgoignon told the English that those Spaniards who went up river toward the north from Saint Helena had seen Indians who wore "golde rings at their nostrels and eares."63 Quinn stated in his footnotes that "Swanton (Indians 514-15)64 found no evidence for nose ornaments among the Florida-South Carolina Indians, but he did not discuss this reference."65 The Indians that inhabitted the area under discussion were probably tribes associated with, what was subsequently labeled, the Muskogean Group. In the late eighteenth century, the artist Trumbull drew a Creek Indian with a nose ring66, and in the nineteenth century, Catlin did a portrait of a Choctaw Indian, Tul-Lock-Chish-Ko, with a nose ring.67 Burgoignon, also, reiterated what had been documented by both the Spanish and the French "that [what] the Floridians make most account of are red Cloth, or redde Cotton to make baudricks or gyrdles: copper, and hatchets to cut withall."68 Even though clothing among European nations differed in general, there was a melding of certain styles and characteristics and a commonality that existed among the various European nations. Most of the Europeans, that had contact with the Indians depicted by Le Moyne, were military men, mainly harquebusiers (arquebusiers) - those soldiers who carried guns. Their clothing as well as that of civilians will be described because, not only were they visually apparent to the Indians, but also, they, like the Spanish, gave the Indians gifts of apparel. Spanish influence in dress dominated much of Europe during the sixteenth century, especially from 1545-1620.69 This influence added a rigidity and formalism to dress. It also saw colors becoming brighter, and men's appearance becoming more feminine while women's became more masculine. Lace was, also, introduced from Italy into France in 1533 by Catherine d' Medici.70 Other changes involved men's increased use of jewelry including earrings. Men's ears were pierced with one or two holes.71 Not until the reign of Henry III ( 1551-1589) of France, did male French fashion change to any marked degree.72 Men's breeches were lengthened to reach either the knee or the foot (known, then, as trousers). They were all one width, without the customary padding or slashing, and gathered at the ankle. Gradually, they became shorter, again, and tighter at the knee.73 The codpiece or Braguette as it was referred to in France was eliminated around 1575.74 A slit in the front of the trousers or breeches that could be buttoned was substituted for the codpiece.75 Headdresses varied after Henry III's ascension to the thrown. The French barrette was still popular but differed from the Spanish in that its brim was stiffened and turned up. The turned up portion was embroidered, slashed or trimmed, and a feather was fixed at the back of the brim.76 During the sixteenth century, men's hair underwent a cyclical change. In the beginning of the century, men wore their hair, in general, shoulder length and sometimes with a fringe. By the 1520's hair had been shortened to chin length. The middle of the century saw the hair length reduced even further so that it was cut close to the head and brushed forward so that it blended into the, then popular, beard and mustache. By the end of the century, hair, once again, was worn long and was very elaborate. This style continued well into the seventeenth century.77 Beards were not worn until about 1530; then, they became very elaborate with the use of curling irons and, even, red dye. The beards were kept short and trimmed in various styles including the Spanish pointed style of 1550.78 Women's dress also followed the Spanish mode, but did not adopt the degree of severity elsewhere as it did in Spain. This was especially true of the bodice of the dress which continued in France to be cut low at the neckline.79 There was not a great distinction in style of dress between that worn by the middle class French man or French women and that worn by the Court. The difference was in the opulence of the fabric and trimming.80 Certain occupations had definitive dress that differed from the dress of others. However even within an occupation, specifics of the dress varied. Two figures in the same painting of 1562 of lansquenet arquebusiers show them wearing different amounts and designs of armour.81 Racinet, also, in the same plate, showed them wearing balloon-like trousers gathered a little above the ankle and wearing low shoes. Le Moyne depicted his harquebusiers (same as arquebusiers) in his only surviving painting as probably wearing a peascod belly shaped82 plate of armour over their chests and either relatively tight breeches to the knee or trunk hose.83 Judging from the narratives of these early explorers, European garments did not influence the Indians as much as did the trinkets and the gold and silver metals that they retrieved from the ship wrecks and fashioned into jewelry. 10. .Paul Hulton, The Works of Jacques Le Moyne De Morgues, Section VI. "The Ethnological Evaluation of the Le Moyne-De Bry Illustrations," by William S. Sturtevant, pp. 69-74. 14. Examples of their work such as: The Judgement of Paris by Lucas Cranach, Mars and Venus United by Love by Veronese, Venus and Adonis by Titian, and Madonna and Child with Infant St. John by Raphael can be found in the book by Howard Hibbard, The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 18. René Laudonnière as found in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, Hakluyt Society Series 1, volume 8, 1904, p. 452. 19. Hawkins, "The English Voyages", from Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, Hackluyt Society Series 1, volume 10, p. 52. 22. This "woman-like man" was in actuality more similar to what in modern terms is referred to as a transvestite or a homosexual. However, the only term available in the sixteenth century to describe such people was that of Hermaphrodite. 23. Laudonnière from Hakluyt, Principal Navigations. Hakluyt Society Publications, Series 1, volume 8, p. 453. 28. The Province of Chicora circa 1520 was in South Carolina near the Edisto River. The Indians of that area were later identified collectively by the name Cusabo. 33. Lorant, The New World, p. 94. Also from Le Challeux's Voyage of Rybaut "And this trussing of their haire serveth them in stede of a quiver." 47. W. W. Ehrmann, "The Timucua Indians of Sixteenth Century Florida", Florida Historical Quarterly, Volume 18, Number 3, January 1940, p. 181. |